The Elite Africa Project is a global network of scholars working to shift how Africa and its elites are understood.

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The Elite Africa Project

is a Canadian-based global network of scholars working to challenge predominant understandings of Africa and its elites.

Both in academia and in wider public discourse, African elites have either been ignored or depicted as grasping and self-interested. This framing perpetuates negative depictions of the continent and its peoples and draws on a simplistic understanding of what power is and how it is wielded. Our work aims to counter these perceptions by initiating global conversations about “who leads” in Africa and how they do so.

We seek to disrupt and renew both academic and public discussions of African leadership, refocusing attention on a wider, qualitatively different set of elites from those that have predominated in the past (such as the parasitic “Big Men” of neo-patrimonial politics).

Burna Boy, Nigerian musician, rapper and songwriter; in 2021, his album Twice as Tall won the Best World Music Album at the 63rd Annual Grammy Awards, and he enjoyed back to back Grammy award nominations in 2019 and 2020.

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Nigerian economist, fair trade leader, environmental sustainability advocate, human welfare champion, sustainable finance maven and global development expert. Since March 2021, Okonjo-Iweala has been serving as Director-General of the World Trade Organization.

This project focuses on Africa’s elites, defined as those who operate at the highest level across a range of domains, wield significant power, and possess expert knowledge, skills, and personal strengths that are deployed in strategic, creative, and generative ways. While elites are those who possess the most consequential and powerful agenda-setting and decision-making capacity, Africa’s elites have either been sidelined in many of our analyses or rendered monotonal. When we switch frames to consider the continent as embodying and projecting new, generative forms of power, it changes our view of Africa. It may also change how we understand power itself.

We look at six domains of elite power, from the political to the aesthetic, and ask how we might shift how we think about and study Africa, and how this shift would impact our conceptualization of power and its exercise. Our goal is to contribute to popular conversations about Africa and to highlight the achievements of the astonishing new generation of leaders for a broader public audience.

This website will serve as a hub for collaborative activity by scholars, activists, and practitioners working on Elite Africa and house a searchable database of primary and secondary materials on African elites.

Kofi Annan (1938-2018), Ghanaian-born diplomat, trained in economics, international relations and management; was the first UNSG to be elected from within the ranks of the UN staff itself and served in various key roles before becoming Secretary General.

Namwali Serpell, Zambia award-winning novelist and writer; Recognised early on with the Caine prize, her numerous subsequent awards include the Windham–Campbell Literature Prize, one of the world’s richest literary prizes.

Mohammed "Mo" Ibrahim, Sudanese billionaire businessman. He worked for several telecommunications companies, before founding Celtel, which when sold had over 24 million mobile phone subscribers in 14 African countries.

The Elite Africa Project

is a Canadian-based global network of scholars working to challenge predominant understandings of Africa and its elites.

Both in academia and in wider public discourse, African elites have either been ignored or depicted as grasping and self-interested. This framing perpetuates negative depictions of the continent and its peoples and draws on a simplistic understanding of what power is and how it is wielded. Our work aims to counter these perceptions by initiating global conversations about “who leads” in Africa and how they do so.

We seek to disrupt and renew both academic and public discussions of African leadership, refocusing attention on a wider, qualitatively different set of elites from those that have predominated in the past (such as the parasitic “Big Men” of neo-patrimonial politics).

This project focuses on Africa’s elites — those who operate at the highest level across a range of domains, wield significant power, and possess expert knowledge, skills, and personal strengths that are deployed in strategic, creative, and generative ways. When we switch frames to consider the continent as embodying and projecting new, generative forms of power, it changes our view of Africa. It may also change how we understand power itself.

This website is the hub for collaborative activity by scholars, activists, and practitioners working on Elite Africa and will house a searchable database of primary and secondary materials on African elites.

ELITE AFRICA PROJECT DATABASE

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Pearce, Justin. “Control, Politics and Identity in The Angolan Civil War”. African Affairs, London, 111(444), (2012) 442–465. https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ads028

This article explores political mobilization, legitimacy, and identity in the Angolan Central Highlands from the anti-colonial struggle of the 1960s until the end of the civil war in 2002. The article examines how the rival movements, MPLA and UNITA, competed for support, and considers the nature of the relationships between political-military elites and the Angolan people.

Source: excerpt from article abstract

Pearce, Justin. Control, Politics and Identity in The Angolan Civil War

Pearce, Justin
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This article explores political mobilization, legitimacy, and identity in the Angolan Central Highlands from the anti-colonial struggle of the 1960s until the end of the civil war in 2002.

Coercive
Political

Obi, Cyril I. “Democratising Nigerian Politics: Transcending the Shadows of Militarism”. Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 34, No. 112, ‘Trading Africa's Future’ (June, 2007), pp. 379-384

One of the paradoxical features of the political transition(s) to democracy in Nigeria is that they have all been imposed by hegemonic bloc(s) within the military elite. Nigeria has inherited democracies from military Generals. Such transition(s)have provided legitimacy for the political elite to monopolize State power, gain international credibility and control access to vast providential petroleum resources. These elite pacts that underscore Nigeria's political transitions have undermined democracy, precisely by adopting its platform and appearance to gain legitimacy, while blocking genu in democratic forces from participating in politics or limiting them to voting without choosing.

Source: excerpt from article

Obi, Cyril I. Democratising Nigerian Politics

Obi, Cyril I.
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Elite pacts which underscore Nigeria's political transitions have undermined democracy, precisely by adopting its platform and appearance to gain legitimacy, while blocking genu in democratic forces from participating in politics or limiting them to voting without choosing.

Coercive
Political

Nest, Michael. “Ambitions, Profits and Loss: Zimbabwean Economic Involvement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo”. African Affairs, Volume 100, Issue 400, 1 July 2001,Pages 469–490, https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/100.400.469

Accounts of recent Zimbabwean economic involvement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) focus on commercial activities by military officials and political elites and suggest that these groups' business interests precipitated Zimbabwe's involvement in the conflict. Such accounts obscure the real scope and extent of interest by the Zimbabwean business community in the DRC and ignore the historical context in which economic involvement has occurred, as well as the difficulties. Based on interviews with Zimbabwean entrepreneurs and government officials, this article analyses the circumstances under which entrepreneurs sought opportunities in a nation virtually unknown to Zimbabweans prior to 1997. It explores the effect of poor domestic economic conditions and previous Zimbabwean military involvement (but subsequent lack of business penetration) in Mozambique, on government and business resolve to exploit opportunities in the DRC. Further, it argues that military involvement was not initially motivated by profit. Rather, entrepreneurs followed military actors once military networks were in place, as entrepreneurs (and military personnel themselves) realized the commercial value of these networks.

Nest, Michael. Ambitions, Profits and Loss

Nest, Michael
This is some text inside of a div block.

This article analyses the circumstances under which entrepreneurs sought opportunities in a nation virtually unknown to Zimbabweans prior to 1997.

Coercive
Political

Mutangadura, Chido. “Africa Must Prevent Its Soldiers and Police from Becoming Drivers of Instability.”  Institute for Security Studies, ISS Today, July 15, 2021.

The involvement of state security institutions in politics plays a role in driving political instability in Africa. The challenge usually extends beyond the military to encompass the judiciary, police and intelligence.

Source: Excerpt from article

Mutangadura, Chido. “Africa Must Prevent Its Soldiers and Police from Becoming Drivers of Instability.”

Mutangadura, Chido
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The involvement of state security institutions in politics plays a role in driving political instability in Africa.

Coercive
Political

Mlambo, Daniel N., and Toyin Cotties Adetiba. “Post‐1994 South Africa’s peacekeeping and military intervention in Southern Africa, reference from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Lesotho”. Journal of Public Affairs, (June 2019), 20(5).

The paper used a qualitative method approach to examine whether conflict resolution was viewed as a pivotal element for the new democratic government in order to stimulate beneficial relations with other African states post the apartheid era.

Mlambo, Daniel N., and Toyin Cotties Adetiba. Post‐1994 South Africa’s peacekeeping and military intervention in Southern Africa

Mlambo, Daniel N., and Toyin Cotties Adetiba
This is some text inside of a div block.

The paper examines whether conflict resolution was viewed as a pivotal element for the new democratic government in order to stimulate beneficial relations with other African states post the apartheid era.

Coercive

Klobucista, Claire. “Africa's 'Leaders for Life'.” Council on Foreign Relations. Foreign Affairs, Council on Foreign Relations, June 30, 2021. ttps://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/africas-leaders-life.

This article provides an overview of African presidents' mandates that have been stopped (at times) from pro-democracy. The author argues that authoritarian power is trending in Africa at an accelerating rate. The text informs that since the 1960s, dozens of heads of state across sub-Saharan Africa have held office for more than thirty years.

Klobucista, Claire. Africa's 'Leaders for Life'

Klobucista, Claire
This is some text inside of a div block.

The author argues that authoritarian power is trending in Africa at an accelerating rate.

Coercive
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