The Elite Africa Project is a global network of scholars working to shift how Africa and its elites are understood.

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The Elite Africa Project

is a Canadian-based global network of scholars working to challenge predominant understandings of Africa and its elites.

Both in academia and in wider public discourse, African elites have either been ignored or depicted as grasping and self-interested. This framing perpetuates negative depictions of the continent and its peoples and draws on a simplistic understanding of what power is and how it is wielded. Our work aims to counter these perceptions by initiating global conversations about “who leads” in Africa and how they do so.

We seek to disrupt and renew both academic and public discussions of African leadership, refocusing attention on a wider, qualitatively different set of elites from those that have predominated in the past (such as the parasitic “Big Men” of neo-patrimonial politics).

Burna Boy, Nigerian musician, rapper and songwriter; in 2021, his album Twice as Tall won the Best World Music Album at the 63rd Annual Grammy Awards, and he enjoyed back to back Grammy award nominations in 2019 and 2020.

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Nigerian economist, fair trade leader, environmental sustainability advocate, human welfare champion, sustainable finance maven and global development expert. Since March 2021, Okonjo-Iweala has been serving as Director-General of the World Trade Organization.

This project focuses on Africa’s elites, defined as those who operate at the highest level across a range of domains, wield significant power, and possess expert knowledge, skills, and personal strengths that are deployed in strategic, creative, and generative ways. While elites are those who possess the most consequential and powerful agenda-setting and decision-making capacity, Africa’s elites have either been sidelined in many of our analyses or rendered monotonal. When we switch frames to consider the continent as embodying and projecting new, generative forms of power, it changes our view of Africa. It may also change how we understand power itself.

We look at six domains of elite power, from the political to the aesthetic, and ask how we might shift how we think about and study Africa, and how this shift would impact our conceptualization of power and its exercise. Our goal is to contribute to popular conversations about Africa and to highlight the achievements of the astonishing new generation of leaders for a broader public audience.

This website will serve as a hub for collaborative activity by scholars, activists, and practitioners working on Elite Africa and house a searchable database of primary and secondary materials on African elites.

Kofi Annan (1938-2018), Ghanaian-born diplomat, trained in economics, international relations and management; was the first UNSG to be elected from within the ranks of the UN staff itself and served in various key roles before becoming Secretary General.

Namwali Serpell, Zambia award-winning novelist and writer; Recognised early on with the Caine prize, her numerous subsequent awards include the Windham–Campbell Literature Prize, one of the world’s richest literary prizes.

Mohammed "Mo" Ibrahim, Sudanese billionaire businessman. He worked for several telecommunications companies, before founding Celtel, which when sold had over 24 million mobile phone subscribers in 14 African countries.

The Elite Africa Project

is a Canadian-based global network of scholars working to challenge predominant understandings of Africa and its elites.

Both in academia and in wider public discourse, African elites have either been ignored or depicted as grasping and self-interested. This framing perpetuates negative depictions of the continent and its peoples and draws on a simplistic understanding of what power is and how it is wielded. Our work aims to counter these perceptions by initiating global conversations about “who leads” in Africa and how they do so.

We seek to disrupt and renew both academic and public discussions of African leadership, refocusing attention on a wider, qualitatively different set of elites from those that have predominated in the past (such as the parasitic “Big Men” of neo-patrimonial politics).

This project focuses on Africa’s elites — those who operate at the highest level across a range of domains, wield significant power, and possess expert knowledge, skills, and personal strengths that are deployed in strategic, creative, and generative ways. When we switch frames to consider the continent as embodying and projecting new, generative forms of power, it changes our view of Africa. It may also change how we understand power itself.

This website is the hub for collaborative activity by scholars, activists, and practitioners working on Elite Africa and will house a searchable database of primary and secondary materials on African elites.

ELITE AFRICA PROJECT DATABASE

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Higley, John and Michael Burton. Elite Foundations of Liberal Democracy. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2006.

The authors argue that democracy is not possible without a “consensually united elite”, examining how such an elite form and persists. They define elites as actors with “serious and sustained effects on political outcomes”. These actors are always few in number, have high status within society, and stand to benefit from political action. Elites exist in democratic or authoritarian regimes. The book explores a wide variety of cases around the world.

Higley, John and Michael Burton. Elite Foundations of Liberal Democracy.

Higley, John and Michael Burton
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The authors argue that democracy is not possible without a “consensually united elite”, examining how such an elite form and persists.

Political

Molenaar, Fransje, Jonathan Tossell, Anna Schmauder, Rahmane Idrissa, and Rida Lyammouri. "The Status Quo Defied: The legitimacy of traditional authorities in areas of limited statehood in Mali, Niger and Libya”. CRU report. Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ (2019).                                                                                                  

This study compared traditional authorities in the border regions of Mali, Libya and Niger where the presence of the state is limited, contributing to the state of violent extremist activities in such regions. Traditional authorities are often the only authority structures present in regions threatened by (radical) armed groups, which have shown the ability to capitalize on local fault lines that are often linked to conflicts over access to natural resources. In the Niger example, this tension is compounded by the fact that national political elites have meddled in the creation and nomination of traditional authorities to further their own political agendas thereby undermining communities’ perception of Traditional authorities as neutral governance actors. They have been able to adapt to life under armed governance. For example, the study found out that in Mali, traditional authorities have allied themselves to armed groups either as a way to protect their position against new armed contenders or as a necessary step to ensure their own security and ability to govern. These alliances have weakened Traditional authorities’ ability to engage in conflict mediation.

Molenaar, Fransje, Jonathan Tossell, Anna Schmauder, Rahmane Idrissa, and Rida Lyammouri. "The Status Quo Defied"

Molenaar, Fransje et al
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This study compared traditional authorities in the border regions of Mali, Libya and Niger where the presence of the state is limited, contributing to the state of violent extremist activities in such regions.

Ritual

Clayton, Amanda, Jennifer Noveck, and Margaret Levi. "When Elites Meet: Decentralization, Power-Sharing, And Public Goods Provision in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone." World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 7335(2015).

Clayton, Noveck and Levi argue that decentralization is key for development and good governance. However, the process of decentralization can cause tension as new elites attempt to take up governing spaces that have long been occupied by traditional patrons. This is because decentralization creates new avenues to accumulate political power and promote development. It empowers new local authorities in the area of traditional governance. The study examined how decentralization process shapes power relations among different sets of local actors by exploring power-sharing dynamics between traditional hereditary chiefs and newly elected community councilors in post-colonial Sierra Leone. The study also examines how this dynamic affects the provision of local public goods. These actors, comprising newly elected elites have to work with the preexisting systems of local governance leading to potential conflicts between new and traditional elites. The authors conclude that this conflict between the new and old elites can also be viewed as inter-elite competition that could result in improvements of local development outcomes whereas inter-elite collusion can be detrimental for development as it can affect the provision of local public goods.

Clayton, Amanda, Jennifer Noveck, and Margaret Levi. "When Elites Meet"

Clayton, Amanda, Jennifer Noveck, and Margaret Levi.
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The study examined how decentralization process shapes power relations among different sets of local actors by exploring power-sharing dynamics between traditional hereditary chiefs and newly elected community councilors in post-colonial Sierra Leone.

Ritual

Omer, Rabah Ali. "The Integration of Traditional leaders and The Democratization Process." Graduate Theses and Dissertations. Paper 10658(2009): 1-103.

Omer uses the Sudanese example to discuss the issue of governance in traditional and rural areas. Her research sought to ascertain whether traditional leaders’ integration in the democratization process increases popular political participation in Sudan. The author analyses the evolution of traditional leadership in Sudan and their influence on sociopolitical landscape. She also examines the relationship between traditional authority and central authority. Omer concludes that Traditional leaders can help strengthen representation of rural communities by promoting participation at the local and national level for nation-building. The author notes that since traditional leaders are involved in different types of social processes and have significant influence over their communities, they should be part of the democratization process. Secondly their influence should be used to link the people at the grassroots level to central authorities. Third, organizing traditional leaders into local forms of institutions will transform their influence into a more formalized platform thereby introducing accountability and transparency. Fourth, integrating Traditional authority in national structure will encourage cultural diversity and ethnic pluralism.

Omer, Rabah Ali. "The Integration of Traditional leaders and The Democratization Process."

Omer, Rabah Ali
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The author analyses the evolution of traditional leadership in Sudan and their influence on sociopolitical landscape.

Ritual

Knierzinger, Johannes. "The Chiefs of Development." Local Development and Local Government in Ghana. Doctoral dissertation, Uniwien, Germany, 2009.

The author argues that the chieftaincy institution in Ghana is very popular and a part of the ‘elite’ political formation of Ghana. This institution is sometimes used as an agent of conflict and an instrument of elite formation. The author refers to a range of traditional leaders such as chiefs, queen mothers, elders, linguists as neotraditional actors who are involved in politics of the state and have succeeded in retaining power especially at the local level. These actors interact with other elites such as businessmen, politicians and development agencies. The author argues that there is an intersection between chieftaincy, politics, and development and this has transformed the chieftaincy institution into a neotraditional system. The transformation of neotraditional actors has led to their involvement in development.

Knierzinger, Johannes. "The Chiefs of Development."

Knierzinger, Johannes
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The author argues that there is an intersection between chieftaincy, politics, and development and this has transformed the chieftaincy institution into a neotraditional system.

Ritual

Van Rouveroy van Nieuwaal. “Chieftaincy In Africa: Three Facets of a Hybrid Role”, In Rouveroy Van Nieuwaal, Emile Adriaan Benvenuto Van, And Rijk Van Dijk, African Chieftaincy in A New Socio-Political Landscape. (1999).

Van Nieuwaal argues that the chief practices a syncretic leadership system where he gains access to economic resources and politico-legal means of power form separate sources. He is assured of access and control from his traditional area such as the allocation of land and dispute settlement whilst he also gets access to power from the state as a subordinate local administrator. This dual basis of power shows mutual dependence between state government and chiefs. Both actors struggle for power among their followers and as they operate within the same territory, this means that they are bound to negotiate. A strategic game of power thus arises from constant negotiations. Van Niewuaal concludes that the relationship between the chief and the modern government is both of mutual dependence and competition as both actors aim at expanding power at the expense of the other. This competition drives both to mutually depend on each other.

Van Rouveroy van Nieuwaal. “Chieftaincy In Africa"

Van Rouveroy van Nieuwaal
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Van Nieuwaal argues that the chief practices a syncretic leadership system where he gains access to economic resources and politico-legal means of power form separate sources.

Ritual
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